Amhara in a sentence

Despite the fact that much of the fighting during the 2020-2022 war took place within the Amhara region, the Amhara authority was excluded from the Pretoria talks, as a result the Amhara people feel betrayed by the Abiy government.

A move toward Tigray's independence would also trigger resistance among Amhara nationalist factions fearful that it would mean the permanent loss of territories they claim Tigray annexed from Amhara in the early 1990s, as Crisis Group documented in June.

Thousands of Amhara militiamen have already headed towards Tigray to fight alongside federal forces, according to Amhara security officials.

Thousands of fighters from Amhara have already headed towards Tigray to fight alongside federal forces, according to Amhara security officials.

He argues that the terms “Amhara” and “Ethiopia” are synonymous and that if one is Ethiopian then he/she is Amhara.

Amhara Region’s former President, Ambachew Mekonnen, and Seare Mekonnen (Gen.) were killed on the same date in June 2019.

At the beginning, the Amhara militia known as Fano controlled big cities in the region and broke into several prisons releasing inmates.

Major issues remain to be resolved, including the withdrawal of Eritrean and other forces that have fought alongside the government and the future of disputed territory claimed by both Tigray and the neighbouring region of Amhara.

The groups were the Nama (Khoe-San from South Africa); the Mende (from Sierra Leone); the Gumuz (recent descendants of a hunter-gatherer group from Ethiopia); and the Amhara and Oromo (agriculturalists from eastern Africa).

The implication is that the fight is between Amhara and Oromo.

The last monarch, Emperor Haile Selassie, had Amhara and Oromo parents, as does Abiy himself.

The United States has “expressed concern” about the clashes, while Australia, Britain and Spain have advised their citizens against travelling to Amhara.

The war in Tigray was marked by waves of violence against civilians, including massacres and rapes, by the armies of Ethiopia and neighbouring Eritrea, as well as Tigrayan fighters, regional forces from Amhara and militias, sucked into the conflict.

This is the salient curse of the Amhara politics today.

Amharas resent Abiy’s entente with Tigray, worrying that he will hand back long-disputed territory—known as Welkait-Tsegede to Amharas and Western Tigray to Tigrayans—that Amhara militias seized during the war.

Despite the signing in 2022 of a peace agreement that ended two years of civil war, parts of Ethiopia remain restive and conflict is raging in the country’s Amhara State between regional militia and federal forces.

Resource Competition: Control over natural resources, administrative boundaries, and key urban centers has fueled disputes, such as the tensions in Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray.

That the insurgency spread like wildfire can only point to the puissance of their common cause, which is the protection of Amhara people and interests and their resolute opposition to the government of Abiy Ahmed.

The federal framework’s emphasis on ethnic identity frequently positioned the Amhara as historical oppressors, a narrative that marginalized their political agency and stoked resentment from other groups.

The prioritized 58 outbreak affected woredas are from eight regions including Amhara, Benishangul Gumuz, Gambella, Oromia, Sidama, Somali, South Ethiopia, and Southwest Ethiopia Peoples’ region.