Salafi in a sentence

A deeper look into the ideals and propaganda of the Guard reveals significant overlaps with Salafi-jihadi and Sunni Islamist ideology.

A much wider community platform must be sorted before other undesirable consequences like the spread of extremist Salafi-Wahabism among the young, and violent terror attacks continue and more innocent lives are lost.

For religious ultra-conservatives, including Salafi minorities in non-Muslim nations who are in the firing line because of their refusal to adopt to Western habits like men shaking the hand of women, the virus is likely to reap benefits.

Just as the Afghanistan conflict of the 1980s proved to be the single most important development in Salafi-Jihadism and Sunni radicalisation, the Syrian battleground may prove to be the gear shift for a renewed Shia Islamist militarisation.

The advent of the 18th century heralded an Islamic awakening leading to the emergence of multiple Salafi strands.

This kind of content–individualistic and denationalised–would be unusual in conventional state militaries but is highly typical of Islamist extremist and Salafi-jihadi propaganda aimed at radicalising recruits.

In response, Hamas’ internal security organization has embarked on a series of arrests of Salafi activists, whether on suspicion of involvement in these attacks or as a deterrent from additional moves against Israel.

Some even exhorted European governments to simply let migrants and refugees drown in the Mediterranean, and linked Norwegian social democrats to the Salafi-jihadist terrorists of Islamic State in their rhetoric.

Musa Abu Marzouk, a senior Hamas leader, earlier this week reportedly told Russian officials during a visit to Moscow that “Salafi” jihadists with links to a PA security agency in the West Bank were behind the attack.

Tamimi’s kiss of Yasser Arafat’s tomb will also not endear her to the more traditional, Salafi Muslims who oppose “grave worshipping” and destroyed Palestinian leader Abu Jihad’s grave in the Yarmouk camp in Syria.

These disparate groups that are Salafi, Deobandi and Barelvi, respectively, have two things in common — an anti-Sharif sentiment and the army’s backing.

The Syrian opposition has devolved into a factionalized mess over the course of the war, with secularists losing power to Islamists and their most extreme iteration, Salafi jihadists.

Al-Qaeda sought to open the "offensive phase" of the global Salafi jihad.

In 1818, followers of the Salafi juristic school were again defeated, but some of the Al Saud clan survived and founded the Second Saudi State that lasted until 1891 and led on to the present country of Saudi Arabia.

Ottaway 2008: 176 The arrangement between the two families is based on the Al Saud maintaining the Al ash-Sheikh's authority in religious matters and upholding and propagating Salafi doctrine.

This institution reflected Salafi beliefs in its teachings, and much of its funding came from private donations from wealthy Arabs.